This article by Eoin Ó Murchú first appeared in Unity, the weekly publication of the Irish Communist Party.
THE latest Dublin opinion polls show that, while it is by no means a done deal, a Left government is a real possibility after the next election.
Sinn Féin now stands at 24%, with the Social Democrats at 10%, Labour 5%, People before Profit 3% and the Greens 2%. This is a combined vote of 42%.
By contrast both ruling government parties have lost support with Fine Gael at 18% and Fianna Fáil at a disastrous 15%. This is a combined total of 33%, a full nine points behind the Left.
Of course, the key element to be added here are the Independent groups, which have overwhelmingly sided with the right wing (14%), and the soft right traditionalist parties, Aontú at 5% and Independent Ireland (II) 4%. Both Aontú and II are drawing on traditional small-scale rural voters, and both have taken strong positions against Mercosur, with a willingness to face down the EU bureaucrats on this issue.
Mercosur risks exposing the Irish beef industry to cheap meat, especially from Brazil, which does not conform to the health and safety standards imposed – rightly – on Irish producers. The ‘benefits’ of Mercosur will barely affect Ireland but will be of great value to Germany whose car industry is in serious trouble as it lags behind Chinese innovation so massively.
II is rooted in old-style Fianna Fáil, and Aontú is moving further to the right as it intensifies its anti-abortion and anti-immigration stances, not racist but not far from it.
This will make it difficult for the Left to agree to reach out to them, but it looks from this poll as if that support will be necessary for Left government to emerge.
SF and Aontú are nursing the bitterness of the latest split, and both Aontú and II are openly critical of the woke posturing that the social democratic Left likes to indulge in.
But if the Left is serious about getting into government, then it will have to give serious thought to including Aontú and II.
The issue, of course, is not the parties, and unwelcome aspects of their ideology, but what government programme can be agreed with them.
In this regard Aontú and II have at the core of their outlook the development of rural Ireland, to which SF is also committed; and indeed take a more critical attitude to the European Union than any of the parties which call themselves Left, including SF.
The failure to recognise the deeply reactionary character of the European Union and how its dismissal of national democracy places any would-be Irish Left government at the mercy of the very international globalist financial sectors that they need to defeat.
What indeed is Left? There is nothing Left about surrendering to the global marketeers; nothing Left about the fundamental treaty of the European Union which insists that all member states must adhere to a market economy; nothing Left about prioritising peripheral issues ahead of the bread and butter concerns of the working class.
So, while the opinion polls show that a Left government is possible, so far there has been no action to advance the idea between the parties. There are no common think tanks to discuss policy and outline what a Left government will do in housing, health, rural development, environmental protection, national unity, nor in relation to immigration and defining what a new Ireland should look like.
The key element that is missing, apart from the petty rivalries between the parties, is the active involvement of the broader Labour movement, the trade unions, community associations and single issue campaign groups.
If the actual working class stands aside and leaves it to the parties themselves, the possibility of failure and disappointment are immense.
Now is the time to begin the discussion among the working class as to what government programme the Left should adopt and campaign for in the next election.
Organised political parties are of course the bedrock, but critical engagement from working class activists looking out for the interests of our class will be essential if a Left government is actually to be a different type of government.
The big problem will be in relation to finding an alternative to the current economic model of relying on foreign direct investment (FDI) in a world where trump is tearing up the old rule book.
That’s where debate should be centred.
A couple of interesting issues, at least, arise from this piece.
Back in the day, say the mid1970s, there was a strong class identity. That does not appear to be the case today. Some jobs, for example, in manufacturing, construction, transport and in administration can clearly be identified as hubs of working class occupations. But is working class identity to the fore. Back in those days political education was more front and centre, I believe.
Today, many occupations, those that we once referred to as being ‘professional workers’, many with university degrees, feel the brunt of capitalism’s advancement as it moves from neo-liberalism to what some call oligarchic fascism (see Trump, Putin et al).
This second group have often been shunned, understandably, by the Left purists. Figuratively, then might not turn up at the barricades. But they do, at this stage of unfolding history, add a considerable force to challenge the billionaire’s advance.
The polls show a massive shift but we cannot leave the future to politicians alone. As a trade unionist I believe the Labour movement must lead the way in shaping a government programme that puts the working class first.
We need to focus on bread and butter issues like housing and health instead of getting distracted by social posturing. Any new government must move away from relying on foreign investment and instead build an economy that serves our own people.
Now is the time for workers to get involved and demand a seat at the table to ensure real change happens